Icons as identity markers
Caste icons are not the reality, but just symbols manipulated by anyone
August 13, 2014 | UPDATED 15:10 IST
http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/anand-teltumbde-arundhati-roy-babasaheb-ambedkar-dalits-caste-literature/1/376937.html
The controversy reminded many of the serious debate in the 1970s in the wake of incipient Dalit literature. Paradoxically, those were the times in which a new generation of educated Dalits had sprung up as Dalit Panthers to articulate a broad identity for themselves encompassing not only the Scheduled Castes and converts to Buddhism (Neo-Buddhists), but all tribes, working people, landless and poor peasants, women and all those who were being exploited politically, economically and in the name of religion (Manifesto of Dalit Panthers, 1973).
Illustration by Saurabh Singh.The logic of the protagonists that only Dalits could produce Dalit literature could be easily faulted by the fact that Dalits were not a homogeneous people and were divided into castes and had a hierarchical relationship among them. Unfortunately, these facts had not been in the limelight as they are today.
During colonial times religious identities were politicised into two major camps, Muslims and Hindus, the clash between them culminating in Partition. The question of castes, rather of the outcasts, came to the fore because both vied to maximise their share of the political pie. While Muslim League disclaimed that the outcasts (Dalits) were Hindus, Congress's claim of representing the majority was precariously pivoted on Dalits being Hindus.
This potential importance of Dalits in the incipient political schema was ably exploited by Ambedkar for their emancipation. While he always conceived of Dalits as a class, part of the working class as reflected in the formation of his first political party, Independent Labour Party, it was not possible for him to avoid the caste idiom in those days. Later, he unambiguously expressed his vision of "Annihilation of Caste". It is extremely unfortunate that many so-called Ambedkarites take exactly the opposite position while swearing by his name.
After the transfer of power, the ruling classes most skilfully preserved castes, giving them constitutional validity in order to have positive discrimination (reservations) in favour of not only the SCs and STs but also other backward classes to be identified by the state (read the ruling class) later. Reservations for SCs were instituted in colonial times rightly as the exceptional policy for exceptional people. With this administrative identity established, the Constituent Assembly could very well have outlawed castes along with untouchability if it so desired. It was not to be. This policy was extended to the STs, not including them into the SCs (which would have diluted the caste identities) but creating a separate schedule.
Further, it was potentially extended to all those, as is happening now, who could claim "social and educational" backwardness in a backward country like India. It was nothing less than constructing a can of caste worms which could be opened by the ruling classes at the opportune time. The roots of identity politics in post-1947 India verily lie in this constitutional soil, unfortunately nurtured by Ambedkar himself.
India today is what the British strategically treated all along as a bunch of castes and communities, notwithstanding the vision and efforts of the founding fathers. Every caste and community has its identity markers and icons and, ironically, most are based on one of the founding fathers. These icons encapsulate pride and prestige of the entire caste/community to be zealously guarded. Although based on reality, icons are not the reality; they are just the symbols to be manipulated by anyone.
They come handy for an unscrupulous political class to manoeuvre the community. Paying respect to the icon can endear it to the community and, conversely, causing disrespect can incite the community into violence. The 'isms' after such icons in vogue today are not really their systems of thought but mere identity markers. This development has effectively blocked the process of learning from history and completely stagnated struggles for emancipation.
It is surely most unfortunate for Dalits to have squandered Babasaheb Ambedkar's universalist legacy and fallen into the identity trap. But the case of others is no different. With the Hindutva brigade at the helm, bent upon bringing India its mythical glory, the future looks even bleaker.
Anand Teltumbde is a writer and civil rights activist with the Committee for the Protection of Democratic Rights, Mumbai
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